A 300-member Palestinian militia appeared in Gaza, aiming to free the strip from Hamas. He says he now has Israeli support.
The group is called a popular unit in itself and operates in East Rafa under the leadership of Yasser Abu Shabaab, a Bedouin man in his 30s who spent time in Hamas detention before the attack on October 7th, before releasing him from prison.
According to comments made exclusively by Euronows, the group of Abu Shabab – not to be confused with Al-Shabaab, a Somali Islamic extremist – first united in June 2024.
The popular army, who also attends Monica’s anti-terrorism service, describes itself as “volunteers from among the people” who protect humanitarian assistance from “looting, corruption and organized theft” by Hamas groups.
“We are not professional fighters, we are neither militias, because we are not engaged in guerrilla tactics,” the group said in a statement to the Euroneus.
Hamas has responded with direct assassinations against popular military members despite Israel’s military strikes, showing strength against potential rivals.
“Hamas has killed more than 50 volunteers, including members of Commander Yassar’s family while we guarded the aid convoy,” a popular military spokesman said.
Previously, Hamas firmly rejected allegations of war interests and humanitarian aid theft, and was levelled by Israel to them as well. It claims that general power is actually happening.
Meanwhile, Yassar Abu Shabaab himself revealed that his group was “coordinating” with Rapha’s Israeli army.
In an interview on Sunday with Arabic Radio from Israeli public broadcaster Kang, Abu Shabaab said his group is working with Israel on “support and support,” but is working together rather than “military action,” which he described as being carried out by his group alone.
The popular army has since denied that Abu Shabaab had fully interviewed Kang after being attacked by Gaza critics, but the arrangement represents Israel’s latest attempt to cultivate local partners who may challenge Hamas’ control of Gaza.
The broader coalition, including the Palestinian authorities (PA), Egypt, the United Arab Emirates and the United States, is reportedly involved in seeking alternatives to Hamas’ rule.
However, not everyone is sure this strategy is bulletproof.
“These popular troops are double-edged swords,” Fleur Hassan Nahome, deputy mayor of Jerusalem and envoy for Foreign Affairs, told Euroneuz.
“We’re not talking about peace-loving Democrats. We’re talking about the biggest gang of all, the gangsters that are Hamas.”
Though he is wary of Abu Shabaab, Hassan Nahome also admits that Israel has few options. “There were two Gazas,” she explained. “There was Gaza in Hamas… and there was a second Gaza of those who were deprived of their rights that were not part of Hamas.”
And some of the disenfranchised said that simply reached the breaking point, Hassan Nahome said. “These gangs only got to where Hamas felt weak, and obviously they created the biggest disaster in the Gaza Strip in history.”
Syrian Ahmed al-Shara has shifted from al-Qaeda affiliate leadership and wanted terrorists to be legitimate political roles as state leaders under Abu Mohamad al-Julani, Hasan Nahome added.
“Syrian Al Jolani also runs a gang (…) and he’s stepping up. So I don’t know who’s going to step out of these gangs.”
“Imagine Pablo Escobar as President of Colombia.”
Rami Abu Jangas, a Gaza-based journalist who previously worked at France 24 before establishing Gaza Press, opposes violently. According to him, Abu Shabaab is not al-Sharaa. And in the context of the strip, the claims of the militia leaders should be taken with a grain of salt.
Despite his own strong criticism of Hamas, Abu Jan Jan did not view popular military leaders as a viable or reliable alternative.
“If Pablo Escobar became president of Colombia, that’s exactly what it is: a drug trafficker working with the occupying forces against his own people,” Abu Jams told Euroneuz.
Yasser Abu Shabab has long faced charges by members of his own family, including those who were once part of his group.
He was placed in prison on October 7th for trafficking charges, but was released along with most other prisoners when the war began in October 2023, an anonymous relative told the international outlet.
Abu Shabaab currently presents himself as a leader in a growing cohort working for the benefit of ordinary Palestinians, but Abo Jan Jass argues that “we shouldn’t really call them “power.”
“It’s dozens of people from a family called Asaram Aleikum, who are originally involved in detouring humanitarian assistance,” he explained.
“He claims to be protecting trucks and the UN, but that’s like someone who says he’s filming at his home and protecting his dog. If the dog leaves, he can’t do anything.”
“What he’s doing now is propaganda. This is a bubble created for international consumption,” concluded Abou Jangus, who recently won three awards at the prestigious Bayoukalbados Normandy Award in a report from Gaza.
“Looking back, I see that it was a big mistake.”
The Israeli military and Intelligence veterans have expressed sharp criticism of strategies that previously produced stronger enemies.
Former IDF military historian and Hamas expert Gai Abhiad pointed to Israel’s support for Lebanese Christian militias.
“We helped them a lot with Lebanon’s PLO, but they dragged us into our country,” he told Euroonews, explaining that the period from 1982 to 2000 was marked “a lot of bloodshed in the Lebanon region.”
There was then the implicit support of Israel in Gaza in the 1980s, and the 1980s was Israeli brotherhood, which aimed to counter the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO).
“Israel thought that the main enemy of the Gaza Strip was of course the PLO, so they tried to strengthen the strength of the Muslim Brotherhood,” explained Abyd. “But of course, looking back, I see that it was a big mistake.”
“I think the Security Services and the Israeli government didn’t know enough about military history,” Abiad said. “I don’t think the Abu Shabab gang in the Southern Gaza Strip are game-changers in the Israeli Hamas War.”
Michael Mirstein, former director of the Palestinian Affairs at the Israeli Intelligence News, was more direct. The popular forces represent the “Abu Shabaab clan” who were involved in criminal cases, smuggling, robbery and all negative aspects by October 7th.
“I’m a critic of this policy or this move,” Millstein said. “We ignore the basic DNA, the basic nature of such gangs. They’re thieves.”
Simply put, he warned that Israel was making the same mistake again. “It seems like I’ve learned nothing from history,” concluded Millstein.
Similarly, some Israelis defended arrangements when necessary given the lack of an effective alternative to authority in Gaza.
Hassan Nahome claimed that the power vacuum cleaner would inevitably be filled. “I believe there is no vacuum of force,” she said. “When one hole is created, someone comes and fills it. And this is what’s going on.”
And she argued that Hamas’ offensive approach backfired and placed the group on Israeli guns, gangs may be rethinking their approach. “Let’s try Plan B. Get along well with Israel.
A former senior member of Mossad’s counterterrorism division who spoke to Euroneuz under conditions of anonymity to avoid obstructing the Israeli government’s work, recognized the group’s criminality, but suggested that support for them amounted to practical needs.
“They are not the people I see as a long-term alternative in Gaza. It means they are gangs, but sometimes they have to work with gangs to overthrow Hamas,” they told Euroneus.
Speaking to Euroneus, intelligence sources described Israel’s support as “short-term tactical moves,” and these groups could not serve as “a substitute for long-term strategic plans.”
Others join to protect the aid fleet
Meanwhile, the ongoing humanitarian crisis that put around two million Palestinians at risk of starvation could turn into a vital political, ideological, armed battlefield in Gaza.
In recent weeks, further self-organizing groups with no links to either Hamas or Abu Shabaab have made progress in providing armed protection to support delivery on strips.
In late June, a group of influential Gaza residents announced that aid convoys had begun independent efforts to secure from looting.
“We will gather here, scream and announce in a loud voice that these trucks coming to Gaza, the besieged city, must reach the families there and families in need,” a national rally of Palestinian tribes, clans and families said in a video statement seen by Euronews.
“We are not part of a group that has been misled by robbers and smugglers. They sell (assist) in the market at high prices,” the group said.
“We must eradicate this evil phenomenon. We must stop these smugglers from getting into trucks, and we must safely send the trucks to the warehouse until they are distributed to everyone.
However, these initiatives remain limited to strip pockets, and experts say whether Hamas’ iron clad grips will be challenged in Hamas’ Gaza will remain questionable.
Only 300 popular fighters represent just a small portion of Gaza’s population, lacking the infrastructure to participate in its management in some meaningful way, compared to Hamas’ well-organized and robust mechanisms.
“Hamas knows how to curb the common uprisings and organizations that try to challenge them,” Aviard said. “Hamas has very sophisticated and very efficient security equipment that knows how to find people who worked with Israel.”
Can a true candidate step up?
The biggest challenge faced by newcomers is to beat the hearts and hearts of the Palestinians as Hamas has dominated Gaza in 2007 or nearly 20 years.
“Most of the population knows only the Hamas movement. More than half of the population in the Gaza Strip are under the age of 18,” Abiado explained. “So most of the population was educated by the Hamas system. That’s what they know very well.”
Abu Shabaab, who works with Israel, may prove that the devastation of the Israeli-Hamas war has deepened anti-Israel sentiment in the strip, making it highly anti-effective.
“After the very bloody war in Gaza, there is no one in Gaza who has not lost anyone in his family or friends,” observed Abbid. “So none of them intend to like the Israeli regime more.”
And it’s difficult for candidates to come in Gaza anyway. The Israeli government rejected Palestinian authority, which continues to be recognized political representatives of the occupied West Bank, but no reliable alternatives emerged.
“There are two major blocs in Palestinian society: a secular society led by Fatah or Palestinian authority, and a religious society controlled by Hamas and Islamic jihad,” concluded Abiad. “There’s no third option.”
Meanwhile, the influence of Palestinian authorities was further raised questionable after a group of Sheikhs in the West Bank declared the Emirate of Hebron over the weekend and announced they were interested in joining the Israeli Abraham Agreement.
In Gaza, the fundamental question remains whether supporting criminal gangs can provide a path to post-Hamas governance. “We want someone to come and say we are viable rulers,” explained Hassan Nahome.
“And on the other hand, if they are ideologically still on the same page as Hamas, what have we achieved here?”
